Contextual Analysis of HB 2281 Media Coverage

A few months ago, mass graves were discovered in Canada that were associated with residential schools.  This discovery sparked outrage across the country.  Native American activists, scholars, and survivors were long aware of abuses that occurred in residential schools, but the extent of the deaths shocked many.  When I was working with the Gwich’in years ago, I heard many stories about residential schools.  One elder we worked with was hidden by his grandparents and thus, spared the experience of the schools.  His wife however, was not so lucky.  Often, she would share her experiences and describe the long-lasting effects of the residential schools on subsequent generations. 

I introduce this dark chapter for a reason.  I was surprised that so many individuals were unaware of the abuses that took place.  Acts of arson directed against the Catholic Church this past summer further shed light on the anger and frustration that people felt.  It is imperative that people are aware of these events.  As a child growing up in rural Alberta, often times near reservations, I wasn’t aware of residential schools.  It was until I started attending university, and then, working with elders, that I learned more.  It is a sad state of affairs that countries have dark chapters.  It is more tragic when those chapters are obscured or manipulated.  Isn’t it the right of a people to learn of their collective experience?

That right was not the sole purpose of creating ethnic studies programs in the US.  Ethnic studies programs sought to engage students in ways outside of the dominant Euro-American educational curricula.  The resources used demonstrated the collective experience that may or may not have been known.  However, what occurred from 2010 onwards reveals a systemic attack on the First Amendment Rights of students. 

HB 2281, was a law banning ethnic studies in Arizona, particularly Mexican American studies.  The bill was to prohibit materials that promote the overthrow of the US government, create ethnic solidarity and resentment towards another race or class of people.  Mexican-American studies were targeted because it was believed by proponents of the bill that the classes were used to indoctrinate students.  The materials used in the classroom, such as books, were also feared to be inflammatory.

The purpose of this analysis is to explore the ways in which proponents of HB 2281 discussed the rationale of the bill.  This exploration will be paired with how opponents spoke of the bill, particularly in regard to book banning.  Placed within the larger political context that was occurring from 2010 through the present, particularly regarding immigration, it is interesting how these sources articulated their arguments.

Why Ethnic Studies?

White students make up approximately 20% of the Tucson Unified School District (TUSD) population.  However, a predominant Euro-American perspective in curricula serves to make non-White students disengaged from learning.  Ethnic studies classes, in particular Mexican-American classes, sparked intellectual curiosity amongst students and demonstrated that school was not, and should be, a foreign place.  The proof was evident: 100% of the students who were enrolled in Mexican-American studies classes were graduating and 85% were going to college (Palos & McGinnis, 2012).  Surveys were demonstrating that scores in math, reading, and writing were improving.  For all intents and purposes, Mexican-American studies classes were a positive impact. 

The Ban

To fully understand why the ban occurred, we must place it within a national political context.  Post-9/11 xenophobia was, and is, still very present.  In 2010, SB 1070 was passed, allowing local police to question citizenship.  In Maricopa County, Sheriff Joe Arpaio was using racial profiles in traffic stops and conducting immigration raids.  It was not a good time for Latinos in Arizona.

And while ethnic studies classes were seen to be beneficial, Mexican-American studies were targeted as they were seen to be propagating anti-American sentiment.  Indeed, it wasn’t so much the program itself, it was the message that was dangerous.  As Doug MacEachern, editorial journalist for the Arizona Republic, noted: “Until these ideologues got their claws in them, these kids actually had a good chance at an education.  I try to stay away from these terms, but you can’t: They were turning them into Marxist foot soldiers” (Stephenson, 2021).  At the time, MacEachern was writing a lot about HB 2281. It’s not hard to see how his commentary was typically directed and received.

Arizona Daily Independent Coverage

My first source of analysis comes from a right wing news source, the Arizona Daily Independent.  In the summer of 2011, L. Hunnicutt wrote “TUSD appeal to save “Ethnic Studies” reveals “cult” (2011).  The quotes are telling and try to indicate neutrality: is it a cult?  Is the program truly “ethnic studies?  The article opens with a quote on mass movements and the first sentence being: “Over the years, one of the most common complaints by objective observers of TUSD’s Mexican-American Studies classes is the anti-intellectual nature of the scatter shot curriculum.  The frequent references to the fantastical place called Aztlan, migration theories that have no scientific foundation, and the easy to swallow, simple minded analysis provided by critical race theory have caused more serious educators to question the educational value of TUSD’s Mexican American Studies classes” (Hunnicutt, 2011).  I’m not sure how that can be taken as neutral.  The reference to Aztlan for example, is highly confrontational and attempts to negate the power of the term used by Mexican-American and Chicano/a intellectuals.  In regard to migration, Aztlan is thought to be, in some circles, the original homeland of contemporary Mexicans, and thus migrants are simply returning to their rightful place.

The article then goes on to describe the visit of “respected” Economics professor, Mark Stegeman, to Curtis Acosta’s class.  Stegeman felt the class was more of a political rally with ritualized clapping that referred to the unity of Caesar Chavez.  In summary, the class was a cult. 

The article gets tricky at this point.  The second section, “TUSD’s “Ethnic Studies” appeal highlights fear of retaliation and indoctrination”, opens with the following statement by Romero and Arce: “The critical educator cannot wait for the dominant group or the American structure to correct itself. The critical educator must understand that the oppressors cannot see the nature of their ways. Given this understanding, it is my belief that the dominant group is incapable of critical reflection or redemptive remembering…” (Hunnicutt, 2011).  The article then goes into detail of TUSD’s audit, which it calls “highly irregular”.  For example, auditors only reviewed 9 of 180 lesson units.   Now the article appears to be more neutral.  However, if one was only to read the first few pages, it would appear that the article, and indeed the news source, was critical of the ethnic studies program.  After all, a professor from the University of Arizona, who had read a book on mass movements, sat in one of the classes and noted cult-like behavior.  But, you had to read quite a bit before getting into this section.

Politico Coverage

At the other end of the political spectrum lays Politico.  Journalist Hank Stephenson recently places the ban within the context of another hot topic this summer: critical race theory (2021).  The opening image is that of teens wrapped in chains, their arms in the air, wearing T-shirts emblazoned with “We Will Not Comply.”  Throughout the article are large photographs of students protesting at hearings.  The article appears to be more balanced (however, I’ll admit to the role of my own political leaning in making that observation).  For example, it describes “Raza Studies” as literally translated to “Race Studies”, much used by Republican proponents of the bill.  Stephenson, however, notes that “Raza” is better translated as “the people.”  He also properly explains the meaning of “Aztlan” in comparison to Senator Paton, who says its use in the classroom was “wackadoodle” (incredibly disparaging and insulting).  Stephenson’s portrayal, while leaning more to the role of the students in the ensuing protest, appears to be balanced with much more historical neutrality, as well as placing the ban and protest within the larger national political context of racial profiling and anti-immigration rhetoric.

The article then describes the “retraining” of teachers.  Mexican-American studies were reinstated, however the program needed to comply to the state law.  “Mexican-American” studies was dropped in favor of “culturally responsive” classes.  Indeed, a cursory look at the TUSD social studies curricula is peppered with key words such as “multicultural”, “diversity”, etc.

The article also describes the ban of certain books.  And this is when we tread on dangerous ground.  Zoot Suit, for example was one of the books.  At the time, I was teaching MASV/ANTV 319 (Mexican American Anthropology) at UASouth.  We spent at least two weeks discussing the “Zoot suit” riots that took place in 1943, as well as watching one my favorite Edward James Olmos movies, Zoot Suit. The movie recalls the trial of a group of young Mexican-Americans unfairly accused of murder during the riots at Sleepy Lagoon.  The novel by Luis Valdez and the movie are phenomenal examples of the level of racism experienced by Mexican-Americans.  It should be noted that in 2019, the film was selected by Library of Congress as culturally significant.  I remember at the time wondering, rather fearfully, about the fate of particular programs at the University.  The reading list of 319 would definitely not pass muster in TUSD.

Remezcla and High Country News Coverage

Two other websites, Remezcla and High Country News, also reported on the banned book lists for TUSD.  It is interesting however, that the former listed 12 books that were focused on Mexican-Americans.  High Country News listed 12 books that were banned spanned beyond Mexican-American studies, such Shakespeare’s The Tempest and Baldwin’s The Fire Next Time.  A book I was using for my graduate work, Los Tucsonenses by anthropologist William Sheridan was also pulled.

Yara Simón of Remezcla wrote this article as the ruling of Judge Tashima was sent back to the Arizona Supreme Court.  She presents a very brief summary of HB 2281, followed by a summary of 12 TUSD-banned books (2017).  The opening illustration is of the Statue of Liberty, reading a book, while surrounded by flames.  Remezcla is an American media company whose primary audience are Latino/a millenials.  A cursory view of the website, similar to Buzzfeed, reveals it is progressive.  Simón’s summaries of the 12 banned books are just that: summaries.  They do not explain why the books were banned by TUSD.  However, judging by the tone of the article and opening illustration, the author’s intent is to spark outrage.

High Country News appears to be more neutral though according to mediabiasfactcheck.com, the website favors left leaning causes (https://mediabiasfactcheck.com/high-country-news/).  The article, written by Kapoor (2017), also presents a very brief summary of HB 2281, with the clarification that the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that removing the books violated the First Amendment Rights of students, but teachers must now request the books.  As mentioned above, rather focusing on books with a Mexican-American focus, she provides a list of 12 books that go beyond ethnic studies.  I was quite surprised by these examples and I imagine the intent was, perhaps, to show how “backwards” TUSD is.  As with Simón, Kapoor briefly summarizes each book, without explaining why it was banned.

Both Remezcla and High Country News cite Librotraficante (http://www.librotraficante.com/) which maintains a site with 80 books banned by TUSD.  The website is a hodge-podge with various links associated with ethnic studies bans in other states.  It has the crusader feel of an activist and one could easily spend hours going through the articles and links.  Clicking on the “banned” link in the banner takes you to the blog “American Indians in Children’s Literature” (https://americanindiansinchildrensliterature.blogspot.com/2012/01/mexican-american-studies-department.html).  This blog includes all the books banned by TUSD as of 2012.  Interestingly, there is also a link to read various author’s comments on their banned books.

NPR Coverage

In 2017, a federal judge ruled that the ban violated the constitutional rights of students.  Julie Depenbrock of NPR describes the ban in detail and along similar lines found in the Politico article (2017).  The article begins with other examples of ethnic studies, particularly one found in San Francisco.  Written after the 2016 election of Donald Trump, the article notes that ethnic studies programs are gaining momentum throughout the country.  Those states with substantial native populations, such as Montana and Alaska, have already had some sort of ethnic studies programs in place much longer.  What I enjoyed the most of this article was a quote by Curtis Acosta (see above).  In his words, the classes were not hateful.  If anything, “hate” was the antithesis of what seen in the classroom.  And, each class would begin with a Mayan precept that translated to “You are another me.”  Students would also recite a Luis Valdez poem:

“Tú eres mi otro yo. You are my other me. Si te hago daño a ti, If I do harm to you, Me hago daño a mi mismo. I do harm to myself. Si te amo y respeto, If I love and respect you, Me amo y respeto yo. I love and respect myself” (cited in Depenbrock, 2017).

Hardly, the manic clapping, cult-like behavior noted by observers.  Within this context, classes were interactive and taught respect and love.  One student noted that before she took Mexican-American studies, she was disengaged but fell in love with The Devil’s Highway.  At the time of the article, the student was a PhD student at the University of Arizona. 

This article was written after the federal ruling but with enough hindsight to be informative and somewhat balanced, as to be expected from NPR.  Both this article and the one found in Politico cast the proponents of HB 2281 as misguided and, well, racist.  Opponents of HB 2281 argue that education, particularly ethnic studies is important.  It serves to create an identity, and not necessarily an identity that is attempting the overthrow of the government. 

Positionality, Power, Privilege

It is important to note here who the proponents of HB 2281 are.  John Huppenthal was the Arizona Superintendent of Public Instruction from 2011 through 2015.  He and Tom Horne argue that Mexican-American studies fueled racial tension and the teachers were indoctrinating students.  Augustine Romero, who changed the name from “Hispanic Studies” to “Mexican American Studies” in 2002, recalled Huppenthal saying in Senate to him: “What upsets me is you talk about the idea of race and racism, and you talk about oppression. It means there are oppressors out there, and I don’t think it’s the case” (cited in Stephenson, 2021).  Romero stated that he thought Huppenthal was the oppressor.  Huppenthal found this laughable, given that he grew in the southside of Tucson and had many Mexican-American friends. 

Positionality, power, and privilege are clearly evident here.  The proponents of HB 2281 are Anglo-Americans who appear to be incredibly out of touch with the history and experiences of Mexican Americans.  So much so that they attempted to ban anything that served to educate them.  The constant reference to Marx and Marxism goes to show just how out of touch these individuals are.  History is replete with people who make decisions for the under-priviliged and those who lack power and a voice.

Whether it’s the Catholic Church hiding the bodies, and therefore memories, of indigenous children who died in residential schools or education superintendents making decisions about the education of children, power is visible.  Banning books is the same as silencing the voices of those children.  Both acts seek to remove their history.

References

American Indians in Children’s Literature. Retrieved August 17, 2021.

https://americanindiansinchildrensliterature.blogspot.com/2012/01/mexican-american-studies-department.html

Depenbrock, J. (2017, August 22). Federal Judge Finds Racism Behind Arizona Law

Banning Ethnic Studies. Retrieved August 15, 2021.

https://www.npr.org/sections/ed/2017/08/22/545402866/federal-judge-finds-racism-behind-arizona-law-banning-ethnic-studies

Hunnicutt, L. (2011). TUSD appeal to save “Ethnic Studies” reveals “cult”. Retrieved

August 10, 2021. https://arizonadailyindependent.com/2011/08/29/tusd-appeal-to-save-ethnic-studies-reveals-cult-2/

Kapoor, M. (2017, June 27). 12 books expelled from Tucson schools. High Country

News. https://www.hcn.org/articles/education-tucsons-mexican-american-studies-ban-goes-back-to-court

Librotraficante. Retrieved August 15, 2021. http://www.librotraficante.com/

Media Bias Fact Check (2020, April 14). High Country News.

High Country News – Bias and Credibility

Palos, Ari Luís & McGinnis, Eren Isabel. (2012). Precious Knowledge.

Simón, Y. (2017). These are 12 Ethnic Studies Books Arizona Doesn’t Want You to

Read. Retrieved August 16, 2021. https://remezcla.com/lists/culture/banned-books-arizona/

Stephenson, H. (2021, July 11). What Arizona’s 2010 Ban on Ethnic Studies Could Mean

for the Fight Over Critical Race Theory. Politico. https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2021/07/11/tucson-unified-school-districts-mexican-american-studies-program-498926

Course Reflection

Engagement

It’s been more than a few years since I took a 7-week course. Given that it is also one of the busiest times of the year at work and I really try to keep my weekends free, I struggled with getting things done in a timely manner. I always made a note of working on something class related in advance, but before I knew it, it was well after 5pm and I had other things to do. I felt engaged however. This was mainly due to two reasons: the instructor’s prompt and detailed feedback on all the assignments and her quick responses to emails. I greatly appreciated that. I also felt more engaged with other students in the beginning of class when we were reading and discussing our peers’ work.

I stayed motivated throughout. This is more likely due to my maturity as a student. As an undergraduate, I’ll admit to a shorter attention span and terrible procrastination. As I’ve gotten older, it’s a matter of personal pride to complete tasks to the best of my ability.

I was pleasantly surprised with the readings. I took a “Power and Culture” seminar in my second year of graduate school, so many of the first weeks’ readings resonated. This was especially true in the second week: the Jones and Williams article truly grabbed my attention on a few levels. For one, I never knew about the anti-literacy laws that were put in place. And second, it was shocking, though not surprising, to read about faulty elections. Within the context of the last 5 years, it really does demonstrate that not much has changed.

Moving forward, I found some of the articles to be too “theory-heavy” with not enough examples. For example, in Week 4 I wanted to see user advocacy in practice. How can we, as writers, be better advocates? However, I really enjoyed most of the theoretical articles as they very much reminded me of those previous seminars. Looking back, one of the strategies I employed was using and discussing my experiences as an ethnographer and educator as they related to the readings. It seemed like I found common ground most of the time.

Learning

I definitely acquired a deeper appreciation for TPC. I enjoyed the initial readings and I thought they did a great job in illustrating the 3 Ps in technical and professional communication. However, when I started the Contextual Analysis assignments, I initially struggled with trying to put it together and making it relate to class content. It wasn’t until working on my draft yesterday that I felt like it was coming together along the required lines. Though I feel if I had chosen something more straight-forward in which it is easier to see the 3 Ps in technical communication, this assignment would have been easier. It’s still a work in progress.

One of the key takeaways came when we were reading about voting and gerry-mandering. One my of co-workers had come into my office and asked me what I was working on. I excitedly shared what I had learned about literacy laws and the many ways folks were prevented from voting. That moment then set the stage for the rest of the course.

Personal Direction as a Communicator

Presently, I teach at a community college and coach/advisor medical students for exam preparation. I try to be as inclusive as possible when teaching and the course material definitely covers the importance of cultural diversity. As a Learning Specialist, I work a lot with standardized exams and I think this class has helped me look more critically at these to tease out the 3 Ps. If anything, I’m more aware now of how positionality, power, and privilege lurk in technical writing. Ideally, I’d like to be more of an advocate if and when I see these.

In summary, thank you for a thought-provoking class. I really did appreciate your quick responses and assignment feedback because at times I felt I wasn’t performing as I should have been or perhaps I was completely off-base as this is new material for me. Thank you!

Draft

Contextual Analysis – Draft

A few months ago, mass graves were discovered in Canada that were associated with residential schools.  This was sparked outrage across the country.  Native American activists, scholars, and survivors were long aware of abuses that occurred in residential schools, but the extent of the deaths shocked many.  When I was working with the Gwich’in years ago, I heard many stories about residential schools.  One elder we worked with was hidden by his grandparents and thus, spared the experience of the schools.  His wife however, was not so lucky.  Often times, she would explain the long-lasting effects of the residential schools on subsequent generations. 

I introduce this dark chapter for a reason.  I was surprised that so many individuals were unaware of the abuses that took place.  Acts of arson directed against the Catholic Church this past summer further shed light on the anger and frustration that people felt.  It is imperative that people are aware of these events.  As a child growing up in rural Alberta, often times near reservations, I wasn’t aware of residential schools.  It was until I started attending university, working with elders, and ironically teaching anthropology to freshmen, that I became knowledgeable.  What happens when particular aspects of a group’s experience is censored, ignored, or as the events that took in Arizona in 2010 show, banned?

HB 2281, was a law banning ethnic studies in Arizona, particularly Mexican American studies.  The bill was to prohibit materials that promote the overthrow of the US government, ethnic solidarity and resentment towards another race or class of people.  Mexican-American studies were targeted because they were indoctrinating students.

The purpose of this analysis is to explore the ways in which proponents of HB 2281 discussed the rationale of the bill.  Furthermore, I’ll explore why ethnic studies should be included in curricula and how it’s inclusion is discussed in the media.  Finally, I’ll discuss how these classes have been edited to avoid further criticism. 

Why Ethnic Studies?

White students make up approximately 20% of the Tucson Unified School District (TUSD) population.  However, a predominant Euro-American perspective in curricula serves to make non-White students feel disengaged from learning.  Ethnic studies classes, in particular Mexican-American classes, sparked intellectual curiosity amongst students and demonstrated the school was not a foreign place.  The proof was evident: 100% of the students who were enrolled in Mexican-American studies classes were graduating and 85% were going to college https://www.pbs.org/independentlens/documentaries/precious-knowledge/).  Surveys were showing that scores in math, reading, and writing were improving.  For all intents and purposes, Mexican-American studies classes were a positive impact. 

The Ban

To fully understand why the ban occurred, we must place it within a national political context.  Post-9/11 xenophobia was, and is, still very present.  In 2010, SB 1070 was passed, allowing local police to question citizenship.  In Maricopa County, Sheriff Joe Arpaio was using racial profiles in traffic stops and conducting immigration raids.  It was not a good time for Latinos in Arizona.

And while ethnic studies classes were seen to be beneficial, Mexican-American studies was targeted as they were seen to be propagating anti-American sentiment.  Indeed, it wasn’t so much the program itself, it was the message of the program that was dangerous.  As Doug MacEachern, editorial journalist for the Arizona Republic, noted: “Until these ideologues got their claws in them, these kids actually had a good chance at an education.  I try to stay away from these terms, but you can’t: They were turning them into Marxist foot soldiers” (https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2021/07/11/tucson-unified-school-districts-mexican-american-studies-program-498926).  At the time, MacEachern was writing a lot about HB 2281. It’s not hard to see how his commentary was typically directed.

My first source of analysis comes from a right wing news source, the Arizona Daily Independent.  In the summer of 2011, L. Hunnicutt wrote “TUSD appeal to save “Ethnic Studies” reveals “cult” (https://arizonadailyindependent.com/2011/08/29/tusd-appeal-to-save-ethnic-studies-reveals-cult-2/).  The quotes are telling and try to indicate neutrality: is it a cult?  Is the program truly “ethnic studies?  The article opens with a quote on mass movements and the first sentence being: “Over the years, one of the most common complaints by objective observers of TUSD’s Mexican-American Studies classes is the anti-intellectual nature of the scatter shot curriculum.  The frequent references to the fantastical place called Aztlan, migration theories that have no scientific foundation, and the easy to swallow, simple minded analysis provided by critical race theory have caused more serious educators to question the educational value of TUSD’s Mexican American Studies classes.”  I’m not sure how that can be taken as neutral.  The reference to Aztlan for example, is highly confrontational and attempts to negate the power of the term used by Mexican-American and Chicano/a intellectuals.  In regards to migration theory, Aztlan is sometimes said to be in what is now Arizona and one of the reasons why Mexicans migrate north.

The article then goes on to describe the visit of “respected” Economic professor, Mark Stegeman, to Curtis Acosta’s class.  Stegeman felt the class was more of a political rally with ritualized clapping that referred to the unity of Caesar Chavez.  In summary, the class was a cult. 

The article gets tricky at this point.  The second section, “TUSD’s “Ethnic Studies” appeal highlights fears of retaliation and indoctrination”, opens with the following statement by Romero and Arce: “The critical educator cannot wait for the dominant group or the American structure to correct itself. The critical educator must understand that the oppressors cannot see the nature of their ways. Given this understanding, it is my belief that the dominant group is incapable of critical reflection or redemptive remembering…” (https://arizonadailyindependent.com/2011/08/29/tusd-appeal-to-save-ethnic-studies-reveals-cult-2/).  The article then goes into detail of the audit of TUSD’s program, which it calls “highly irregular”.  For example, auditors only reviewed 9 of 180 lesson units.   Now the article appears to be more neutral.  However, if one was only to read the first few pages, it would appear that the article, and indeed the news source, was critical of the ethnic studies program.  After all, a professor from the University of Arizona, who had read a book on mass movements, sat in one of the classes and noted cult-like behavior.

At the other end of the political spectrum lays Politico.  Journalist Hank Stephenson recently places the ban within the context of another hot topic this summer: critical race theory.  The opening image is that teens wrapped in chains, their arms in the air, wearing T-shirts emblazoned with “We Will Not Comply.”  Throughout the article are large photographs of students protesting at hearings.  The article appears to be more balanced (however, I’ll admit to the role of my own political leaning in making that observation).  For example, it describes “Raza Studies” as literally translated to “Race Studies”, much used by Republican proponents of the bill.  Stephenson, however, notes that “Raza” is better used as “the people.”  He also properly explains the meaning of “Aztlan” in comparison to Paton, who says it’s use in the classroom was “wackadoodle.”  Stephenson’s portrayal, while leaning more to the role of the students in the ensuing protest, appears to be balanced with much historical neutrality, as well as placing the ban and protest within the larger national political context of racial profiling and anti-immigration rhetoric.

The article also describes the ban of certain books.  And this is when we tread on dangerous ground.  Zoot Suit, for example was one of the books.  At the time, I was teaching MASV/ANTV 319 (Mexican American Anthropology) at UASouth.  We spent at least two weeks discussing the “Zoot suit” riots that took place in 1943, as well as watching one my favorite Edward James Olmos movies, Zoot Suit.  The movie recalls the trial of a group of young Mexican-Americans unfairly accused of murder during the riots at Sleepy Lagoon.  The novel by Luis Valdez and the movie are phenomenal examples of the level of racism experienced by Mexican-Americans.  It should be noted that in 2019, the film was selected by Library of Congress as culturally significant.  I remember at the time wondering, rather fearfully, about the fate of particular programs at the University.  The reading list of 319 would definitely not pass muster in TUSD.  Blummer, one teachers, recalls students crying as her and others boxed up the books for the program (https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2021/07/11/tucson-unified-school-districts-mexican-american-studies-program-498926).

The article then describes the “retraining” of teachers.  Mexican-American studies was reinstated, however the program needed to comply to the state law.  “Mexican-American” studies was dropped in favor of “culturally responsive” classes.  Indeed, a cursory look at the TUSD social studies curricula is peppered with key words such as “multicultural”, “diversity”, etc.

In 2017, a federal judge ruled that the ban violated the constitutional rights of students.  Julie Depenbrock of NPR describes the ban in detail (https://www.npr.org/sections/ed/2017/08/22/545402866/federal-judge-finds-racism-behind-arizona-law-banning-ethnic-studies) and along similar lines found in the Politico article.  The article begins with other examples of ethnic studies, particularly one found in San Francisco.  Written after the 2016 election of Donald Trump, the article notes that ethnic studies programs are gaining momentum throughout the country.  What I enjoyed the most of this article was a quote by Curtis Acosta (see above).  In his words, the classes were not hateful.  If anything, “hate” was the antithesis of what seen in the classroom.  And, each class would begin with a Mayan precept that translated to “You are another me.”  Students would also recite a Luis Valdez poem:

“Tú eres mi otro yo. You are my other me. Si te hago daño a ti, If I do harm to you, Me hago daño a mi mismo. I do harm to myself. Si te amo y respeto, If I love and respect you, Me amo y respeto yo. I love and respect myself.”

Hardly, the manic clapping, cult-like behavior noted by observers.  Within this context, classes were interactive and taught respect and love.  One student noted that before she took Mexican-American studies, she was disengaged but fell in love with The Devil’s Highway.  At the time of the article, the student was a PhD student at the University of Arizona. 

This article was written after the federal ruling but with enough hindsight to be informative and somewhat balanced.  Both this article and the one found in Politico cast the proponents of HB 2281 as misguided and probably racist.  Opponents of HB 2281 argue that education, particularly ethnic studies is important.  It serves to create an identity, and not necessarily an identity that is attempting the overthrow of the government. 

It is important to note here who the proponents of HB 2281 are.  John Huppenthal was the Arizona Superintendent of Public Instruction from 2011 through 2015.  He and Tom Horne argues that Mexican-American studies fueled racial tension and the teachers were indoctrinating students.  Augustine Romero, who changed the name from “Hispanic Studies” to “Mexican American Studies” in 2002, recalled Huppenthal saying in Senate to him: “What upsets me is you talk about the idea of race and racism, and you talk about oppression. It means there are oppressors out there, and I don’t think it’s the case” (https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2021/07/11/tucson-unified-school-districts-mexican-american-studies-program-498926).  Romero stated that he thought Huppenthal was the oppressor.  Which, Huppenthal found laughable, given that he grew in the southside of Tucson and had many Mexican-American friends. 

Positionality and power are clearly evident here.  The proponents of HB 2281 are Anglo-Americans who appear to be incredibly out of touch with the history and experiences of Mexican Americans.  So much so that they attempted to ban anything that served to educate them.  The constant reference to Marx and Marxism goes to show just how out of touch these individuals are.

To add: 1-2 more artifacts. I indicate the new curricula above and that will be one more.  As this is turning into more of a media analysis, one more article would also help.  

And clean up the citations 😦

Revisiting Power, Privilege, Positionality

In relation to my individual project, I am very much aware of my position as a white male speaking about the ban on ethnic studies, specifically Mexican-American studies. I was aware of my position years ago when I was teaching MASV/ANTV 319 at UA South. Sure, I had performed ethnographic fieldwork in Chihuahua and along the border in Yuma. Yes, I had been teaching anthropology for years prior. But I was still a white male with a predominantly Mexican-American audience in the classroom. Ironically, I feel the same way teaching my gender and sexuality class at Pima, and was somewhat saddened when a student, in the course evaluation, asked why a White CIS male was teaching the class. After all, heterosexuality is indeed a sexuality, but I digress.

As for privilege: I am still aware I have more privilege than others. However, at the time of the ban, I was married to social studies teacher, hired by TUSD, and, as noted, teaching at UA South. I had some insight into what was occurring in 2010 and 2011. I remember other teachers sitting around the patio on Friday evenings discussing these crucial events and how it was impacting their sense of freedom of speech, as well as that of the young minds’ they were trying to work with. In addition to this, the artifacts that I am using are accessible to anyone using the internet. Importantly, the young adults who were experiencing this have had a voice in discussing the ban.

Regarding power, I am attempting to use other sources: even those sources that come from a political background that differs from mine. Those sources are still valid and should be represented. Ultimately however, power is evoked in the attempt that through the sharing of these events, it is anticipated that a ban will not reoccur.

Contextual Analysis

Audience Factors: Level of knowledge/experience – Non-specialist

How this impacts my framing: Level of detail to include based on audience knowledge/experience – No more than a brief history that outlines the primary events and what was targeted.

Audience Factors: Expectations of what the audience already knows – Primary source for the audience would be the local news, both print and television.

How this impacts my framing: What you don’t have to add/include decisions about terminology use – I don’t believe I need to get into the “weeds” of TUSD curricula, ie. specific learning/curricula objectives.

Audience Factors: What the audience/user should do with this project – The events are instructional and ideally the audience would learn about the history of specific groups of people and the role of censorship.

How this impacts my framing: What kind of design decisions you might have to make to highlight certain features of your work – Executive summary, with potential calls to action (for example, I loved how some of the teenagers protested, using the civil rights movement as a model).

Audience Factors: Audience needs/interests/expectations – clearly written, informative and instructional.

How this impacts my framing: What level of detail might you need to include audience needs and expectations – Jargon-free and not speaking “down” to the audience, striving for inclusivity.

As mentioned in the audience analysis, I hope the final draft will be instructional. I think it’s important for us to question the role of politics in education and to understand how censorship/banning can impact young adults.

Audience Analysis

The general public is my primary audience. What I mean by that is anyone who is unfamiliar, or partially familiar, with the events of 2010 and 2011. Ideally, the audience is non-specialist. However, I trust those with education backgrounds would appreciate my final analysis.

Outside of Arizona, I do not imagine many readers will be entirely familiar with the events discussed in my analysis. However, in light of current critical race theory, there is national relevance. Within Tucson, those students who protested in 2010 and those teachers who were involved would know quite a bit already.

I’d like my audience to be fully versed in the context of the events. What are the implications of not providing the entire history of a people? How did the events of 2010 and 2011 mirror the civil rights movement and the role of Chicanismo? What are the political implications and influences of the ban? How much power should the state have when determining finer points of the curriculum? I would hope my audience would find these questions of value.

Research Memo

The first two articles I’m looking at are news print. I chose these two because they appear to be very polar.

The Politico article casts the 2010 ban within current critical race theory. The journalist does a comprehensive job in articulating the history of the ban. Originally, the curriculum sought to demonstrate Mexican-American contributions in American history in the hopes of lifting Latino/a students out of lower test score brackets. However, detractors felt the program was too liberal and too “race-centered”. Stephenson then traces the history of the ban within the context of SB 1070 and Sheriff Arpaio’s racial profiling. Under threat of losing funding, the program was removed. However, it was reinstated, but complied to state law. This article appears to be objective, though that could be due to my political leaning and seeks to educate readers about the history of the ban and what it means for critical race theory.

On the opposite end is an Arizona Independent News Network article entitled “TUSD appeal to save “Ethnic Studies” reveal “cult”. This was written in August, 2011 and portrays the curriculum as anti-intellectual. However, it focuses more on the cult-like leanings the program, and by default, the educators have. The students are easily swayed and engage in ritualized behavior. These observations are supported by respected professors and Department of Education employees. Furthermore, while the article attempts a voice of neutrality, the headings seek to undermine that. If one did not read the entire article and only skimmed it, they would be left with the impression that the Mexican-American studies program indoctrinated students into a cult.

The last artifact I looked at is the TUSD curriculum guide (http://curriculum.tusd1.org/). There is a tremendous amount of discussion regarding multiculturalism and its importance. There is the question “Why do we need a Multicultural Curriculum?” with a list of 5 answers. There is an easy-to-read framework for Student Academic Success, emphasizing positive learning communities, academic (emphasis mine) identity development, student engagement through social justice, to name just a few. Indeed, if I was a parent unfamiliar with the events of 2010 and 2011, I would feel this was a robust program that would teach my child about social justice.

A close reading of the last artifact demonstrates the changes made since 2010.

Project Plan

I’ll be looking at two types of artifacts for my project.

  1. The current curriculum and syllabi for TUSD’s social studies classes. A cursory look shows that within the middle school level, there is an emphasis on multiculturalism. These artifacts will be compared to pre-HB 2281 curricula and syllabi.
  2. The second type of artifacts will be the news coverage of the ban. On one side, proponents of ethnic studies felt the ban was a continuation of racist ideology. On the other, supporters of the ban felt that Mexican-American studies classes tended to revolutionary/reactionary with Marxist slants.

Research questions

What are the primary changes in curriculum? What are the recommended books and readings and how do they differ from previous years? What is the current mood regarding ethnic studies and how is this reflected in newsprint?

Examples:

https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2021/07/11/tucson-unified-school-districts-mexican-american-studies-program-498926

http://curriculum.tusd1.org/Subjects/Social-Studies

Timeline

8/1-8/3: find more artifacts

8/4-8/5: Audience analysis; start writing draft

8/6-8/10: contextual analysis; continue draft

8/11-8/15: complete draft

Translation as a User-Localization Practice

I was initially drawn to this article due to my job. I work with many students whose first language is not English, and while they speak it very well, they struggle with standardized exams that are timed. I referred to accommodations in my previous entry and extended time is one of these, particularly for non-native English speakers. Typically we encourage no more than 90 seconds to read a question and then answer it. However, most (if not all) of the questions are lengthy with multiple levels. Some questions might even have a “red herring”, a phrase or word that could lead the examinee to the wrong answer. For a non-native English speaker, navigating through these questions, in a stressful environment, is incredibly difficult. However, to be fair, I’d argue the questions are inclusive: they avoid slang or jargon that is specific to one culture. The questions all contain items and phrases that the student has encountered over the course of at least one and a half years of study. It appears to me that it is the act of translation that is slowing the student.

This article also reminds me how translation (word-for-word) can really miss key points. I’m thinking specifically of reading a poem in its native language as opposed to the English translation. The subtleties, the nuances, the evocation of emotion are gone most times. One of my favorite French poets is Baudelaire and reading the translation is not the same.

I enjoyed this article because it is relevant to my work, but also because it provided examples. Sarah’s storytelling strategy, for example, is remarkable.

Exploring Accessibility

One of the parts of my current full-time position is helping students seek accommodations for licensing exams. It’s a long process and unfortunately, students don’t always get what they need and request. Step 1 is a 7-8 hour exam and students with a variety of disabilities seek quiet rooms, extra break time, and extra time to test, to name just a few requests. Some students do not want to go through the bother, as it is a lot of work to retrieve all the documentation, and there is also a fear of this knowledge getting into the wrong hands. There is also a concern of being on “equal footing” with their peers. The latter is incredibly commendable but I always to assure them that they should try to use all the tools they can, to do the best they can. That being said, I can understand how accessibility needs to include disabled individuals.

One of the sections I found of interest was the resemblance to military field conditions. That makes sense: navigating an Ipad with gloves on, in situations with decreased lighting, is one example. I am happy to see DARPA using monetary resources that can be used to research accessibilty.

I do think we need to look beyond physical disabilities when understanding inclusivity. There are many, many other disabilities that can’t be readily discerned that can prevent individuals from accessing material. For example, dyslexia and attention deficit disorder can be obstacles.